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Us and Them: Understanding Your Tribal Mind Hardcover – October 24, 2005

4.2 4.2 out of 5 stars 17 ratings

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Why do we see these divisions? Why do we care about them so much? Why do we kill and die for them? This is the stuff of news headlines. How has a nation gone from peaceful coexistence to genocide? How does social status affect your health? Why are teenagers willing to kill themselves in hazing rituals in order to belong to a fraternity or social group? How do terrorists learn not to care about the lives of those they attack?

Us and Them gets at the heart of these profound questions by looking at their common root in human nature. Politics, culture, and economics play their parts, but its the human mind that makes them possible, and thats the focus of Us and Them. Were not born with a map of human kinds; each person makes his own and learns to fight for it.

This is a crucial subject that touches all of our lives in ways both large and small, obvious and subtle. Human-kind thinkingwhether beneficial or destructiveis part of human nature, as David Berrebys brilliant book reveals.
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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

With this impressively well-researched work, Berreby attempts to apply the tools of science to an impossibly large question: what is it about the human mind that makes us believe in categories like race, gender and ethnicity? Spanning countless disciplines, Berreby draws on a staggering variety of sources, from St. Paul's epistles and the philosophical essays of David Hume to the evolutionary theory of Stephen Jay Gould and the evolutionary psychology of Cosmides and Tooby. Yet, structurally, the text feels rather scattered. It moves breathlessly from one citation or example to another without any clear indication of where it's headed or what the overall point is; often, it reads less like a deliberately argued work than a collection of anecdotes, musings and insights. Fortunately, Berreby, who has written for various publications including the New York Times and the New Republic, has a casual and conversational style that makes even his most complicated points straightforward and commonsensical: at the most scientific moments, such as his thoughtful explanation of the physical effects of stress and stigma on the brain, Berreby still requires no specialized knowledge from the reader. And he illustrates other points, like the role food plays in the perception of difference, with revealing and amusing examples. The book may not break any new intellectual ground, but it does offer an entertaining survey of a vast, and vastly important, topic of study. (Oct. 24)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From Scientific American

Each of us has experienced a feeling of kinship with someone who shares a love of chocolate, a passion for foreign films, or perhaps an affinity for a person with the same skin color or ethnic identity. We might also feel alienated from someone with the same qualities if he or she belongs to a "group" we do not like.

But what exactly is this seemingly natural tendency to sort others into "kinds"? This question forms the core of Us and Them, which explores the conscious and unconscious ways in which people classify one another—and more important—why. How humans can use this propensity constructively, rather than destructively, remains a central issue of our time, argues David Berreby, a veteran science journalist. Although this penchant may be hardwired into our brains, ultimately we choose how to live. Religious strife, political conflict and clan rivalries boil down to individual behavior.

Berreby says the sciences of brain and mind offer "a new way to look at love of country, at culture, at religion (and at hatred too)." Researchers are starting to understand "how and why people think and feel in tribes, and why all of us are capable of both tribal good and tribal evil." Advances are allowing scientists to grapple with such questions as "Why can’t we all get along?" Berreby investigates the social, psychological and neurological mechanisms that move humans to categorize. For example, he considers how codes in the nervous system predispose us to organize perceptions, including ones that help us feel how other people feel. Science’s assault on our beliefs about race, religion and nationalism has shown that even much of "common sense" is both blind and cruel. Berreby reminds us that not long ago North Americans held by common sense that slavery was natural, women should not vote and only heterosexuals deserved respect. "Good riddance to all that," he says. Still, attitudes die hard. "A white person and a black person in today’s New York City can agree over coffee that race is ‘all in your mind,’" Berreby contends. "But when they leave Starbucks and raise their hands to hail a taxi, the white person is more likely to get a cab. In that moment, race is as real as gravity."

Given our drive to categorize, Berreby reflects thoughtfully on how to do so responsibly. "The Us-Them code does not own you," he concludes. "You own it."

Richard Lipkin

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Little, Brown and Company; First Edition (October 24, 2005)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 384 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0316090301
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0316090308
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.35 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.5 x 1.25 x 10 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.2 4.2 out of 5 stars 17 ratings

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David Berreby
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David Berreby writes the "Other Knows Best" blog and is the author of "Us and Them: The Science of Identity." His writing about human behavior and other topics has appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times Magazine, Nature, Slate, Aeon, Nautilus, The New Republic, Discover, Vogue and many other publications. He has been a Visiting Scholar at the University of Paris, a Science Writing Fellow at the Marine Biological Laboratory, a resident at Yaddo, and in 2006 was awarded the Erving Goffman Award for Outstanding Scholarship for the first edition of "Us and Them."

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4.2 out of 5 stars
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Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on February 1, 2015
I would count this in my top ten most influential books and it has been seminal to my thinking. One of Berreby's themes is that "us and them" isn't an accident of upbringing but is baked in to the human mind. Accepting that is a game changer. For me, the resulting process has been a careful and intentional redefinition of who is "us" and who is "them"
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Reviewed in the United States on July 20, 2007
"Us and Them" by David Berreby explores the human faculty for seeing other people as members of groups with group characteristics, or as Berreby calls them, Human Kinds. The book examines classic results of social psychology, such as Sharif's Robber's Cave experiment and Tajfel's arbitrary groups. He tries to present the current evidence for the faculty being an unconscious module in the mind that automatically places people in groups and attaches group qualities to Them.

The book is well written and has many vivid examples of how people stereotype and why those stereotypes are not reliable guides for rational human behavior. Although he occasionally dives into brain architecture and evolutionary theory, it is not too overwhelming for the intelligent lay reader (that all important Human Kind). The topic is very important, considering that issues of race, gender, religious conflict, and injustice based on economic class dominate our political scene. This book helps the reader get a better scientific footing on the psychological basis of those issues.

By exploring how our human minds--and by extension our brains--process group identity, the author is in an area that has been popular lately due in part to Steven Pinker's "How the Mind Works." This research area is called the modular theory of the mind, pioneered by people such as Jerry Fodor and Noam Chomsky. However, Berreby is wary of Pinker's complete programme. He explicitly criticizes Pinker. Never in this book does Berreby refer to a brain "module." Instead, he refers to the mind's code for processing human kind thinking, called kind-sight. To this reader, it amounts to the same thing. A module is a module. Berreby does make the point at length that there is no single chunk of brain that does all human kind code processing. (But, then, I don't think Pinker ever claimed that, either.)

Berreby does show that the human kind code is automatic, unconscious, and hardwired into the developing brain. This to me qualifies his theory as in the tradition of the modular theory of the mind.

Berreby also holds evolutionary theory at arm's length. He is wary of strict reductionism from social structures to selfish genes. He seems uncomfortable with Williams and Dawkins and their insistence that the selfish gene is the final arbiter of evolution. He shows that some of the assumptions of this camp are inseparable from the assumptions of "race realists" such as Rushton. This wariness leads to an excellent exploration of the nature of science and "levels of analysis." He describes the "selfish gene" camp and the "plurality of mechanisms" camp as two competing social groups that use stereotypes and intergroup hostility as part of their own human kind thinking. Clearly, he doesn't want to be a blind follower of either camp.

Nevertheless, it is obvious that he does consider the faculty for kind-sight to be an evolved and distinct mental structure. To that extent, he is, whether he admits it or not, an Evolutionary Psychologist (or Evo Psycho as he mentions in the book).

Berreby rejects what he sees as Pinker's pessimism about the human kind faculty. He ends to book with a hopeful gesture that we can take control of our own destiny by rationally controlling our irrational kind-sight faculty. But he admits that the faculty that propels us to reach the ideals of our human kinds is inseparable from the faculty that can lead to genocide. So I am not convinced that Berreby's conclusion should lead to optimism. Pinker's outlook was really not that much more pessimistic. All in all, they amount to nearly the same outlook.

Berreby is critical of thinkers who use this capacity within human nature for group violence to claim that human nature is evil. He expressedly does not want the evil potential for kind-sight to be used to bolster a theologically Christian worldview. But in the end, his conclusions do not eliminate that line of argument. So long as humans have an irrational kind-sight, which is built-in, we will be fully capable of prejudice and evil, and that capacity cannot be eliminated by any kind of socialization. The hope that everyone will rationally control their prejudices over the long-term is contradicted by human history. He leaves us with an unattainable ideal. Perhaps he gives us the ideal in the hopes of improving the actual, but his finale is more hopeful than plausible.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 10, 2023
Got 3/4 of the way through and said out loud several times getting to that spot saying ,”Get to the point already!” Bottom line? I have no idea what the author’s point really is. Danced around too long to get there.
Reviewed in the United States on June 15, 2008
I've had this book on my shelf since the fall, waiting until the school year was over so I could get to it and several other books. Unfortunately after the fist chapter it's moved down to the bottom of my reading list.

The reason is as simple as it is preventable - the author (or more likely the publisher) has completely failed to provide usable citations for the book.

Most books use one of two citation schemes. Either a bibliography, with all citations listed by author and publication date; or endnotes where a number in the chapter links to the citation at the end of the book. Both have advantages and disadvantages.

However, this book uses a new scheme for `references'. No source material is cited in the chapter. Instead, if you turn to the end of the book, you'll find a page reference and short quote from that page, followed by citations. This is, quite simply maddening.

The only way to read this is to read the chapter, then flip back and forth between the page and the note until you find the sentence, then interpret the sentence in light of the note. I've never seen a system like this, and with any luck, I never will again.

That said, the book is probably fine for non-serious study. If you simply want a readable book to introduce you to this kind of sociology, it's probably decent. However if you're a serious scholar looking for books on this subject, I suggest you keep looking.

As I said, I have not read the whole book - it may be well written and informative. But without an effective system to allow additional study of the original source material, it's useless for me. Assuming it's well written, I'd suggestion the following ratings:

0 for serious study
5 for casual readers

My rating of 3 is a compromise between the two.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 11, 2005
I found this book after reading the phrase Us and Them in Jared Diamond's Third Chimpanzee (After slogging 1/2 way through Guns, Germs and Steel ; DVD is easy to watch ; Collapse audiobook long but good too) not long ago which got me wondering about this phrase. Lo and behold, I was pleasantly surprised and overjoyed to find a book just published about this phrase. (Ponder that coincidence)

While the writing is clear, this book really makes me think and thus I have only been able to read 20-30 pages at a time as I digest it. The devil in understanding why the world is the way it is - today and in the past - is in the details. David Berreby has figured out and articulated a crucial reason. He brings meaning to that phrase - "Everything is Relative." While growing up as an Asian minority in America and traveling to over 35 countries I have sensed and known it, but didn't have a language to define it. Now I do.

Someday David Berreby will be remembered as one of the greatest men that ever lived. This book is that profound. As much as the last one I finished - Why We Lie by David Livingstone Smith.

Both of these titles have transformed how I view the world and myself. You can't trust all bald men, but you can trust both of these authors named David.

I also recommend Ronald Wright's A Short History of Progress.
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Mugarri
5.0 out of 5 stars La creación del Nosotros y del Ellos
Reviewed in Spain on November 13, 2019
El libro, no traducido al español, trata de responder a la pregunta de qué hay de verdad y de útil en las clasificaciones de grupos humanos. Publicado en el 2.005, la neurobiología ha avanzado mucho desde entonces. Robert Sapolsky, en su Behave/Compórtate, basa en este libro toda su exposición en el capítulo dedicado al Nosotros y Ellos, lo que demuestra su plena vigencia.
Las clasificaciones, estereotipos y prejuicios sobre grupos humanos, de raza, etnia, religión, pueden considerarse como “verdaderos” (Pinker) o “buenas estadísticas” (Haidt) pero la ciencia dice otra cosa. Que no son agregados de datos, sino construcciones mentales, que pueden llegar a ser reales si mueven a la acción y son creídos por muchos. Hay consenso científico que el mundo no es lo que cree tu mente.
Culturalmente se puede debatir entre dos extremos. La versión posmoderna recalca el carácter construido de los grupos humanos, arbitrarios en definitiva, pero ignora que las construcciones mentales pueden tener efectos reales (el papel moneda es una convención que sí causa realidad o la creencia en el carácter maligno del “pueblo” judío generó un genocidio) Y de la otra punta, el esencialismo considera los grupos humanos como verdades absolutas, “hechos escondidos “ “percepciones místicas” y, mucho peor, eternos. Subrayan una diferencia e ignoran las otras.
La “categoría” se origina en la palabra griega “acusar”, con rasgos suficientes y/o necesarios. Hoy hablamos de los estereotipos como agregados de rasgos o condiciones que llegan a constituir una nueva entidad que genera obligaciones para los humanos incluidos en ellos. Pero son solo explicaciones mentales, no reales salvo porque guían la acción. Cuando haces preguntas distintas obtienes respuestas distintas, como dice Lakoff. Cuando Charles Johnson fue hecho prisionero en 1.790 por los indios Shawnee junto con un esclavo negro, la división blanco/negro dejó de tener todo sentido frente a la categoría indio/hablante de inglés. Son pues puras creaciones humanas hechas para alguna finalidad.
Una vez hechas, desde luego tienen efectos, mientras duran. Los irlandeses e italianos no eran considerados “blancos” en USA durante el XIX. Hasta hace unas décadas, los niños que nacían con timos grandes eran radiados para evitar que se ahogaran, con graves secuelas, pero es que los timos que conocían los médicos eran los de los cadáveres de niños pobres, disminuidos por el estrés que genera la pobreza.
Que los estereotipos no son buenas aproximaciones a la realidad lo demuestra su carácter histórico. Daniel Hume hablaba aún escépticamente sobre caracteres nacionales en términos muy distintos de los actuales, algo luego estudiado por Julio Caro Baroja quien se reía de que en el XVI los alemanes fueran considerados borrachos, sifilíticos y poco confiables. La idiosincrasia de los extranjeros cambia radicalmente antes, durante y después de una guerra con ellos. Todo ello es posible porque el estereotipo es dinámico y siempre selecciona unos rasgos eliminando otros, dependiendo de la finalidad. En resumen, cualquier grupo humano puede distribuirse en una campana de Gauss, desde el correspondiente a los oficiales del ejército británico, como hacía en sus famosas fotografías Galton, al grupo humano constituido por los que cogen el autobús a las 08.30 de la mañana, el de zurdos o el de Leos.
Los humanos tenemos una capacidad innata de hacer grupos humanos, clasificaciones. Primero viene el grupo y luego se amplifica por diversos medios; efecto fundador, retroalimentación, propagación, performatividad. La tradición se inventa, como demostró Hobsbawm para el caso de escoceses o más relevantemente, bahutus y batutsis. Así, realmente, hablar de “raza” no tiene mucho sentido; el 40% de los recién nacidos fueron clasificados en razas diferentes en su nacimiento y muerte prematura en Estados Unidos. Los italianos y los nigerianos tienen genes antimalaria pero los suecos y los xhosa sudafricanos, no. Los suecos y los fulani metabolizan la leche, pero no muchos sicilianos. Dígase lo mismo de la etnia, que son casi siempre relatos legitimantes, sean “francos” (narración de San Gregorio de Tours, como explica Peter Brown), visigodos o serbios y bosnios.
Los estereotipos, las agrupaciones humanas que de ellos derivan, son pues mapas, esquemas o marcos mentales, en los que interactúan en proceso recursivo varias áreas cerebrales. Surgen de la capacidad innata de mapear (como la sintaxis gramatical innata chomskiana) y su contenido concreto depende de la experiencia y de la finalidad con que se usan. Los bebés reconocen antes una cara humana que objetos. Permiten atajos de la percepción y “leer” la mente ajena. ¿Quién es, qué quiere, es fiable? Son, una vez dibujados, automáticos, inconscientes, rápidos. Pero no inevitables.
Sherif y Tajfel dejan claro, en mi opinión, que no hay esencia en los estereotipos. Solo describen la percepción individual que se tiene de la relación entre el estereotipador y el estereotipado. Depende del contexto, de las circunstancias y de las identidades funcionales. Son procesos, siempre superpuestos y en diálogo permanente entre ellos.
Pero estereotipar, hacer grupos entre Nosotros y ellos no solo es una capacidad innata. Está ligada irremediablemente a nuestras emociones, a nuestros sentimientos. No hay pensamiento sin emociones. Asociamos las clasificaciones de humanos con estados corporales. Y son guías de acción que se perciben como si fueran “naturales”.
El Nosotros tiene efectos positivos y negativos. En la inclusión se pueden adivinar los primeros embriones de la moralidad. Lo limpio, lo honorable, lo respetable, la buena/mala gente. El sentido de pertenencia nos hace felices. Explica el inicio del altruismo, que por sí mismo es una desventaja evolutiva, salvo que sea de grupos sociales basado en la reciprocidad (D.S. Wilson), que se extiende del grupo inicial (150 personas máximo según Dunbar) a grandes colectividades reconocidas en el signo, en la bandera. Naturalmente, tiene muchos aspectos negativos. Los blancos sureños aceptaban piropear a una mujer blanca salvo que se fuera negro, en cuyo caso caían en un paroxismo de indignación moral, como ocurre hoy en día cuando un africano lo hace en España. Por el contrario, la estigmatización (de “marcar” al esclavo en griego), impone a los Otros una identidad eterna, totalmente falsa. Todos participamos de múltiples identidades, que son siempre funcionales. Pero al estigmatizado se le petrifica y se le asocia con la muerte, la suciedad y la enfermedad. Es la deshumanización, “convertir en maderos” como decía un médico japonés sobre sus prisioneros en la 2ª G.M. y genera una profunda sensación de culpa y desamparo y de mala salud. Es el caso de la minoría coreana en Japón, que testea en IQ menos que los japoneses mientras que los coreanos en su país dan iguales resultados. Son profecías autocumplidas que como mucho luego generan identidades de resistencia (“el orgullo gay”)
Berreby se pregunta si podemos superar nuestra tendencia a “clasificar” múltiples grupos humanos. La filosofía y la ética tradicional así lo creen, y sicológos o antropológos como Piaget y Kohlberg. Por el contrario, Pinker y Haidt piensan que las emociones se imponen a la razón, que se limita a racionalizar después lo sentido. La respuesta de Berreby me parece acertada; razón y emoción cuentan y el proceso es de arriba abajo y de abajo arriba pero no es inevitable. Es cierto que seguimos siendo tribales; sentimos más simpatía a los cercanos de nuestro grupo que a los extraños, como lo demuestra el Implicit Association Test o el hecho de que un piloto francés fuera renuente a bombardear su ciudad en la 2ª G. M, como dice el comunitarista ético MacIntyre. Pero la creación de grupo y de identidades no deja de ser una facultad tan válida como la física o la sicología “popular”; es meramente aproximativa, una escopeta de feria científica y de paso, también práctica y moral. Se instaura rápido y, afortunadamente, decae de la misma forma.
Por ello no podemos dejar de aspirar a lo que Singer llama “la igual consideración”. La de al menos el género humano (él incluye a los animales, lo que es loable pero complica todo). Será un sueño, pero es mejor que otros. Mientras, se puede hacer algo. Cabe realizar planes contra el prejuicio y la estereotipación. Alabar la diversidad que se genera por diversas políticas (por ejemplo las de discriminación positiva). Dar “cues” o pistas sociales, como explica Sapolsky, que reducen la fuerza negativa de la dialéctica Ellos-Nosotros. Sugerir, empujar levemente, como sostienen Thaler y Sunstein en su Nudge en la dirección correcta desvelada por un sueño de fraternidad universal. Reducir la proliferación de clichés y de prejuicios que eternizan la discriminación como aboga la corrección política bien entendida, sin caer en la creación de identidades de resistencia grotescas. No es poca tarea.